PART 4
INTRODUCTION
In the first three PARTS of this series, we have let evidence from many sources lead to the conclusion that from the onset of the peopling of the Southwest there was a Pioneer Group, called Basket Makers, about the time of Christ, through to the present, that were an expression of just one people. “The Basket Maker and Pueblo Indians were derived from a single racial stock or …they belong to intimately related strains…It is evident that this stock has been continuous from Basket Maker times right up to the present day.” (Martin p. 97) “The Basket Maker Indians were concentrated in the so-called “four corners” region, or in that region where the states of Utah, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico have a common meeting point. But they also occupied much of what is now Utah, northern Arizona, southern New Mexico, and possibly western Oklahoma.” (Martin p. 103) “The units forming the ’Southwest Plateau’ stock strongly suggested the existence of a continuity of ‘Southwest Plateau’ stock from the Basket Maker period clear up to recent times.. In other words, the Basket Maker and Pueblo Indians belong to the same stock.” (Martin p. 145) Thus we have a “clear-cut, observable civilization the development of which can be investigated, dissected, and synthesized with comparative ease…in which a strong culture flourished, furnishing the archaeologist something that he can ‘get his teeth into’.” (Martin 210) It is also something that a student of the Book of Mormon can sink his teeth into. A little more will be added below to make this conclusion emphatic.
And excellent discussion of the Western Anasazi, which from west to east includes Eastern Nevada Branch from the Las Vegas Meadows, up the Muddy River to the White River drainage, the lower Virgin River region in Nevada and the entire Virgin River area of western Utah; called in fact the Virgin River Branch. (Cordell 1989 p. 104) Then Kayenta Branch, which includes the Kaibab Plateau and the lands north and east of the Little Colorado River, including the mesas of the HOPI called the Tusayan Branch, and south of the mesas to the upper Little Colorado River drainage called the Winslow Branch. These areas constitute the WESTERN ANASAZI. (Cordell 1989 pp. 104-109) Including the 1700 sites found in the Kaibab Plateau and Forest area, we identified more than 3,000 sites in the rest of the area. The “Adaptive History of the Western Anasazi A.D. l-1500…is one of continual change in one or more aspects of the adaptive system.” (Cordell 1989 pp. 109-131) Her chart on page is especially useful, and is an excellent summary of the direction this study has taken.
MAP 10 shows the most recent interpretation of the pathways and directions taken by those who migrated out of Central America traveling through western and northern Mexico into the southwestern region of the USA. Recent archaeological work tends to conclude that there were two different sets of BASKETMAKERS, the name given to those who were first to pioneer and explore the empty land, though their time of arrival in all areas of the Southwest was about the same. On his MAP, (MAP 10), Simms shows an eastern variant of the BASKETMAKER which he calls “EASTERN, DURANGO BASKETMAKER KIOWA-TANOAN.” (Simms p. 250) This variant he thinks also came from the south, but he does not indicate from where in the south or how far south they may have come from. He also shows on MAP 10, a three pronged migration farther west and south called the WESTERN WHITE DOG BASKETMAKER. Again, his arrows show the derivation to be somewhere coming out of Northern Mexico. But he does not indicate from how far south they may have originated. The traditions of the HOPI have not been mined enough for migrational data, “The Modern Hopi claim that the prehistoric pueblo people left indicators [in the form of petroglyphs, painted slabs; the color indicating the direction being taken and “story” pottery] as to the direction of their migrations.” (Cunkle p.150) Located in the upper drainage of the Little Colorado River, “The painted slab discovered in room 27 at Raven Site Ruin depicts the ‘T’ shaped ‘door/emergence/passageway' glyph, primarily in yellow paint…may indicate direction of …migration. …Ceramics from Raven Site indicates that at least one major clan migrated north to Second Mesa after 1450 AD….A stone slab may indicate the direction of the last migration from the Raven site.” (Cunkle p. 149-150) Cunkle’s claim that most ancient pottery told some kind of story is just beginning to catch on. The main source of data on migrations is the annually repeated ceremonial oral accounts of the Hopi. The RAVEN SITE, is an immense surface ruin of more than 400 rooms, located in the upper drainage of the Little Colorado River, under excavation by Cunkle. I am an acquaintance of Cunkle, and visited the site several times while lecturing in the vicinity. The intact potter found there forms the basis for the interpretation that each pot has a story painted on it. Cunkle’s works helps one to “read” this story.
THE UTO-AZTECAN (UA) LINGUISTIC FAMILY
Haines shows in his book and maps that on their northwest borders, particularly in the Columbia River region, the Numic Speakers butted up against the Shahaptin speakers, which included the Tenino, Umatilla, Cayuse, Wallawalla, Wanapum, Yakima, Nez Perce, and Klikits. (Haines pp. 9, 13) The last tribe interfaced with Paiutes. These tribes may have preceded the Numic speakers into the area by hundreds of years, and for the time being are not part of this study, though they may be related in some way to those who took boats northward at the same time the emigrants of this study went overland. Simms knows that south of the border in northern and western Mexico, there are numerous UA speaking groups. He knows that in the Great Basin the NUMIC variant includes the Northern Paiute, the Central Nevada and Northern Shoshone, the Southern Paiute, the Mono and the Fremont. (Gould p. 3) However there are more, though only briefly mentioned in the previous Parts of this study. They include: “The Kawaiisu, the Takic languages in Southern California—Serrano, the Cahuilla, Cupeno, and Luisena, as well s the Tubatulabal.” (Stubbs p. l) Stubbs then includes in the UA groups, “the HOPI, Pagago, Northern Tepehuan, Southern Tepehuan, the Tara-Chitic branch in Northern and Central Mexico--the Tarahumara, the Guarijio, Tubar, [the well known] Yaqui, the Mayo, the Corachol group—Cora and Hichol, as well as the Nahuatl or Aztec near Mexico City.” (Stubbs p. 1) Simms, as noted above, would also add to these the Kiowa and Tanoan. Some of these are shown on MAP 4. These last two groups are related to the Pueblos of the Rio Grande. Most of them are along the pathway of the proposed migrations from the south leading finally into the Gran Desierto of northwest Mexico to the junction of the Gila River with the Colorado River, also as shown MAP 4.
These relationships have been known for more than three decades, but the information does not circulate in all the important circles. Stubbs was never quoted for his linguistic studies by any of the Southwestern archaeologists. The Indian information from the HOPI and ZUNI supported Stubbs, but even the Indians did not know the common relationship of the languages the many groups bore. But Stubbs goes farther: “These findings point to HEBREW as an ancestor language of the Uto-Aztecan language family.” (Stubbs p. l) This simply means that UTO-AZTECAN is a Semitic language. The non-Semitic patterns in UA suggest there has been substantial creolization (outside influences) early in the UA prehistory and perhaps additional creolizations or outside influences later in the history of specific groups, isolated from each other as most of them were. “But whatever their history, enough similarities with Hebrew emerge to justify sharing this information with linguists, UTO-AZTECANISTS, and Semiticists…the lexical, morphological, and root-specific semantic similarities seem too many to attribute to chance.” (Stubbs p. 1) In his study Stubbs positively identified elements of Hebrew in Uto-Aztecan. All of the above is considerable additional support to the interpretation being made in this study. The absence of this information and these relationships would be a difficult hurdle to jump over. Like all other information and objects of research, the preponderance of favorable evidence accumulates. The typical archaeologist does not have the benefit of the Book of Mormon, but would he accept that information if he did know about it?
The field work of my team clearly demonstrated the extension into the Great Basin, from the south and east reached the Nine Mile Peak area south of Eureka, Nevada in Central Nevada. Our work has not as yet extended beyond this region, but work by the various agencies obligated to study and work in the Great Basin and report from time to time, confirms our work. Field work by the University of California, including restudies of earlier work, and new work in the regions of Moapa, Alamo, Hyko, Caliente, Barkley, Ursine, Cave Lake, and areas immediate to the west were host to the Basket Maker series of cultures followed by what they call the Anasazi-Fremont Pueblo cultures derived from the Muddy River and Virgin River regions, with Eastgate/Rose Spring Series of projectiles at about A.D. 1 to the Historic. (Busby pp. 26-29) This is additional confirmation of the interpretations being made of the multiple migrations from the various areas of Mexico into the southwest. Work under the Cultural Resource Management (CRM) of the Bureau of Land Management, like wise compiles and suggests data that tends to confirms the interpretations being made. (Aikens pp. 9, 22, 139-142, 147)
PARTS 1, 2, and 3 of this study provides a wide variety of data that permits us to conclude the WESTERN WHITE DOG BASKETMAKERS were part of the group mentioned in Alma 63:4. While the other BASKETMAKER variant may have also been part of the Alma 63.4 group, they did not carry certain distinguishing traditions with them such as they “did bury their weapons.” The only refutation of these claims will be for someone to provide conclusive evidence these groups came from somewhere else unrelated in any way with the Book of Mormon. Those who refute must have a more plausible explanation of parallels than these provided, and their explanation must be supported by archaeological and historical data, that is the reason search into the traditions of specific tribes is so revealing. It’s true!
THE BASKETMAKERS AND ANASAZI OF MESA VERDE
For a brief moment we will digress into the vast world of the Anasazi of the Mesa Verde region with its more than 2500 sites so far discovered, and its magnificent cliff dwellings. They might be referred too for some additional supporting archaeology evidence. On the vast Wetherill Mesa the major excavation report on Long House Ruin, one of the largest cliff dwellings in the Park with its detailed tree ring dating shows the Basketmaker presence in the form of a pit-house precisely dated at 648 AD for a Basketmaker III construction. Pueblo 1 begins on the Mesa at about 700 AD, Pueblo II begins at about 900 AD, the massive construction at the site begins about 1280 in Pueblo 111 time (Cattanach pp. 409-413) We used these same dates for the sites mapped on the Kaibab and adjacent areas. Most of the Basketmaker presence on the Mesa from Basketmaker 1 near the beginning of the Christian Era, through Pueblo 11, is confined mostly to the tops of the Mesa. And many sites in these periods remain to be found. A lot of exploration work remains to be done, there is still much to be learned. The people there were contemporary with the HOPI, then after 1300, Mesa Verde was abandoned. Enough of the Mesa Verde peoples left their mesas and joined the HOPI, to build their own village there. They must have been compatible in thinking and traditions to do that. Most of the Mesa Verde people ended up in the great ruins, some up to 1950 rooms, in Galisteo Basin, 20 miles or so south of Santa Fe. (Judge pp. 22-24; Cordell 1994, p. 23)
Another example from Mesa Verde is the great mesa top ruin of Badger House, where the cultures from “A.D. ? to 750” are called the “La Plata Phase,” (Hayes p. 3) equivalent to the three Basketmaker cultures with emphasis on Basketmaker 111. (Hayes pp. 182-183) First into the area were the Pioneer groups of Basketmaker 1, about the time of Christ, and then followed all the cultural developments resulting in the tremendous variety, quantity, and beauty of the Mesa Verde sites. These two great ruins were chosen for mention because they were excavated 12 to 30 years after I spent a season at Mesa Verde and was familiar with the mesa top ruins as well as many of the cliff dwellings, some of which our group may have been the first to enter. You can generally tell you are the first into a ruin site when you find artifacts laying about that anyone else would have removed had they been there first.
FREMONT CULTURE
Here, we need to mention the FREMONT CULTURE. Simms concludes from his work that the Fremont who are found throughout the Great Basin, but especially in northwestern Utah, (Simms pp.187-205) are related to the EASTERN VARIENT. While MAP 10 shows the FREMONT having a widespread distribution or presence, they are concentrated in western and northwestern Utah. (See the Paper: The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River in Utah, Morss 1931, Peabody Museum Papers, vol. 12.) While there are other short studies of the Fremont, what is available can be counted on one hand. The sites west of the Utah-Nevada border are few and far between. Two major sites were excavated near Garrison, Utah one recently is now set up for visitors, the other is not developed to that extant having been excavated a long time ago. The discovery we made of a very large village lies on the northeast end of Mt. Grafton, along North Creek some 50 miles or so west of Garrison; it was a 900 foot long narrow village, which archaeologists might classify as Fremont, except the Shoshone Indian present in that area told Bean in 1857 “that all such, as making pottery, mounds, inscriptions on rocks, and the like, were done by the Tribe of Moquis [HOPI], in ages past,” (Stott p. 170) with whom their ancestors had traded. The Shoshone and Paiute did not differentiate between the Anasazi and the Fremont, to them they were all one people and they communicated with them by the same language with little change. (Powell p. 221) It would take an archaeologist to try to make a case for two cultures instead of one. The Moquis they speak about were from the Virgin River area where there are extensive ruins of the Virgin River Anasazi an extension of the Western Anasazi centered in HOPI country. The archaeological designation of what they call Fremont, Virgin River Anasazi and Moquis (HOPI) may well prove to be all one people when genetic studies are made or the sites we have found are integrated into the scheme of things.
Sites just 60 miles north of the St. George area near Parowan and Summit have both been referred to as Anasazi and Fremont. Multiple sites we found north of Indian Creek northeast of Beaver in a large obsidian field could be classified as either of them. What both variants have in common is their linguistic relationship, they were Uto-Aztecan speakers. Just because there was a difference in footwear, hunting gear and knives and a few other things, doesn’t make them a different culture. The Fremont adjusted for upland living, and hunting big game, with farming relegated to a lesser position in their lives, while the Anasazi were farmers, living along water ways as much as possible. There are only a few miles separating their different life styles. The Virgin River Anasazi may have taken to the hills in late August to harvest the fruits and nuts of the uplands and the game animals that were available. Then somebody would have called them Fremont. Certainly they might change their footwear to moccasins rather than the Yucca leaves they normally used to fit the needs of the activities to be engage in, and they certainly would change and increase the range of their tool and hunting kits to accommodate the objectives of their hunting in the uplands and the larger game living there.
TREE RING DATING OF RUINS- DENDROCHRONOLOGY
“Before the publication of the December 1929 issue of National Geographic, archaeologists working in the American Southwest had no idea how old the prehistoric ruins they studied actually were. Educated guesses suggested that ruins such as those of Pecos Pueblo might be 1,000 or 1,500 years old and that Basketmaker occupations in the San Juan region might be between 3,000 and 4,000 years old.” (Nash p. 19)
In that NG article, astronomer Andrew E. Douglas of the University of Arizona, introduced the science of dendrochronology, the study of tree time, or telling time from the annual growth rings of select trees. A future student, Haury, would write: “It may be stated without equivocation that the tree-ring approach has been the single greatest contribution ever made to American archaeology.” (Haury 1935 p. 98) Some 50 years later, two other dendrochronologists, Bannister and Robinson would write: “The existence of a reliable chronological framework on which to chart the development of prehistoric cultures not only profoundly changed the structure of Southwestern investigations but also altered the thinking of all New World archaeologists.” ( Bannister 1986 p. 51) Even when carbon 14 dating assumed the position of primary dating technology, it did not improve on the accuracy of dating to the exact year, while tree-ring dating could identify the very year the timber in a ruin was cut. But it was not until 1936 that the first accurate dates for the first time of the three major Basketmaker stages were obtained. (Nash pp. 162-163) One of the finest Basketmaker sites is located a Cave du Pont in Utah, another student of Douglas, Stallings, reported “a date of A.D. 217, with a center ring dating to A.D. 92….nearly two years later …[and] obtained Douglass’s verification.” (Nash p. 209; Stallings p 3-6) These results would place the Basketmaker 1, or the Pioneer stage as it is now called, (by the “cousin” to the Anasazi, the Mogollon) for this initiatory stage. (Cordell p. 113) A summary of the relationships of the Mogollon with the nearby ‘cousin’ cultures is provided by McGuire. (McGuire p. 200) The term Pioneer could be used for the initial stage in any of the Anasazi and related cultures even for the Numic ones as well. McGuire, however, wants to call the early stage in the Hohokam area the “VAHKI, which could not begin before 438 BC.” (McGuire p. 333) Were the VAHKI the advance group of those migrating northward in the First Century or earlier, of the Christian Era occupying southeastern California? (see MAP 3) However, the ceramic histories of the various societies is so specific as to permit identification of each site in its proper chronological position, the tree ring analysis has verified the use of pot shards for this purpose. “Throughout the first half of the twentieth century, various classes of ceramics were used to define prehistoric cultural units and delineate their boundaries. With the development of seriation and dendrochronolgy, certain types of ceramics were designated as temporal diagnostics for constructing regional chronologies. These cultural units and regional chronologies remain essentially intact to the present day.” (Thomas p. 1)
WHITE DOG BASKETMAKERS
In the years that followed, the tree ring science established accurate dates for all six of the major Pueblo cultural stages including the Basketmaker. Two archaeologist who had worked on Basketmaker sites, were Morris and Kidder, the former had worked on the Eastern Durango and with Kidder, had worked on the Western White Dog variant, thought the culture should have dated older and were disappointed: Kidder was to lament: “We have a sneaking sense of disappointment as the pitiless progress of tree-ring dating hauls the cliff-dwellers, and with them the Basketmaker, farther and farther away from the cherished BC’s.” (Nash p. 259) Until reliable dating placed the Basketmaker l culture as near the beginning of the Christian era, no certain comparisons could be made to the Book of Mormon chronology. Now, for a comparison, the most recent field work and dating by whatever means therefore needs to be used.
“By far the richest and most famous Basketmaker 11 site is WHITE DOG CAVE in northeastern Arizona, excavated in 1915 by Alfred V. Kidder and Samuel J. Guernsey for the Peabody Museum and Harvard. The cave’s name derived from one of the excavated dog burials. A long haired white dog with brown spots, about the size of a small collie, was buried with an adult male, who may have been the dog’s owner. The white dog represents one type or breed of ancient Pueblo dog. The other, also first known from White Dog Cave, is a small terrier like dog with short hair, white with black spots.” (Cordell 1994, p. 39) The cave gave its name to the Western Basketmakers. Remember these two dogs, their presence has to be explained, they did not come from Asia.
The dogs look like nothing that came out of Siberia. The new science on the genetics of dogs, indicate that most of the dogs in the western Hemisphere were derived from European sources. There will be a study in the future on the DNA of Dogs, as they also help track the migrations of people and support the contention that people coming from the Mediterranean world came in at least three waves. There are “three major linguistic divisions of Native American languages.” (Gruhn pp. 43-45) So along with the linguistic relationships one must consider the genetic data as well, in detail, not only of the human carrier, but also the pets, the plants, the lice, propensity for certain diseases that accompanied man wherever he went, among a few other considerations that require attention. More modern approaches include all of these requisites and future studies will contribute a more complete and correct analysis of man’s origins and migrations. (Cavalli-Sforza pp. 50-51, 62-63) Now lets look again at some of the traditional baggage the various Indian groups were carrying, distorted by reworking over the past 2000 years.
FRIAR BERNARDINO DE SAHAGUN-THE GREAT CHRONICLER
“Among the Spanish chroniclers’ accounts is Friar Bernardino de Sahagun’s compendious 12-volume General History of the Things of New Spain, completed in 1569.” (Phillips p. 18) SAHAGUN, born in Spain in 1499, lived in Mexico from 1529 to 1590. His reliable and comprehensive report concerning the ancients of Middle America were lost and unknown for 300 years, finally appearing in a convent in Spain. First published in Mexico in 1829, Lord Kingsborough published it as Volume 8 of his Mexican Antiquities in 1848.” (Hunter p. 30) Joseph Smith had been dead for four years and the Book of Mormon had been circulating for nearly nineteen years. While there are numerous Spanish translations of SAHAGUN’S massive work, few have been published in English. About 1952, Gareth Lowe, John L. Sorenson and I visited with a professor at the University of Utah who was making a translation of the work; probably not finished.
Sahagun’s works have been mined by several Mormon authors because of the many parallels to the Book of Mormon. It was he who gave the name OLMEC to a mysterious ‘rubber people’ inhabiting the jungle country of the Gulf Coast rich in rubber trees. Among its earliest expression was the Teuchitlan Tradition, going back to before 1500 BC., with its distinctive ballcourt forms that were to play such a role in all of the region for the next three thousand years, even the Hokoham of central and northern Arizona, as previously noted, had more than 200 Ballcourts in their ruin areas. (Scarborough p. 73) Intense games were played in the Ballcourts by nearly all adolescent and adult males, noble and commoner alike. The games’ widespread popularity is underscored by the fact that provinces on the gulf coast [where the rubber trees were located] were required to send 16,000 rubber balls annually as royal tribute. (Scarborough p. 9)The archaeologist George Vaillant working that area assigned the unique sculptures, the style of the snarling, jaguar-like features of “human infants,” to the OLMECS. This established the name. Later work by others especially Coe who wrote: “The most ancient Mexican civilization is that called ‘Olmec’.” (Coe p. 83) The dates for the presence of the OLMEC parallels that of the Jaredite dates in the Book of Mormon. “From its homeland in the swampy jungles of the Gulf Coast, the Olmec influence extended over an enormous area; throughout Mexico and Central America and even into South America.” (Miller p. 66) It spread even into North America.
“Tezcatlipoca, the god of fate and bringer of discord and vice, was likened by …Sahagun to the Christian devil. Tezcatlipoca had great powers and creative aspects but often put them to negative use, just like the angel Lucifer in the Christian tradition.” (Phillips p. 178) Tezcatlipoca claimed to be “a creator deity and shared the credit with Quetzalcoatle for the creation of the world….whereas Quetzalcoatl was a civilizing cultural hero who introduced mankind to maize, Tezcatlipoca was a god of war who brought men into a cycle of destruction and new creation.” (Phillips p. 178) The cult of Tezcatlipoca goes back into the early years of the Toltec, just before the time of Christ. A Tale was told of a dark obsidian glass mirror which could predict famines. He found the mirror and hid it in order to prolong the people’s suffering. He is called ‘Lord of the Smoking Mirror.’ He is often depicted with one foot lost just below the shin. Traditions vary as to whether Tezcatlipoca lost his foot when he and Quetzalcoatl were fighting or when he was flung out of the thirteenth heaven as punishment for misusing his dark power. His name is associated with cold and the night, also with death and the rain of windblown knives that travelers to the underworld had to pass through. Using His mirror he could see the patterns of the future and the private imaginings of people’s hearts. This had to be a major deception because Lucifer cannot discern the thoughts of a person unless he has induced them.
As the god of night he was patron of hidden nocturnal activities, the shameful and wicked ones such as adultery and stealing. He carried a Tlachioloni, (Toponi), a scepter, concealing a hole through which he could see the hidden side of people and their motives. The HOPI could not lead, officiate, or rule, without the Tiponi, the clan fetish or scepter like object. (Waters p. 423) The smoking mirror gave Tezcatlipoca access to the dark side, of people and all of the wider creation. Within his control were the forces of destruction as well as those of creation. He was everywhere, he resided in all the levels of the universe [world] at once, even the underworld, he was god of the air, and of violent tempests, particularly hurricanes. Tezcatlipoca was also the coming destruction to wipe away the current creation. (Phillips pp. 178-179)
Along side Huitzilopochtli, Tezcatlipoca was one of the Aztecs’ warrior gods. In his human form, he was a youthful, virile and energetic as any eagle or jaguar warrior. He sustained his youth by constant sacrifices of the young. He was the bringer of war. He was often depicted in the guise of the jaguar, which was fierce, unpredictable and favored the night. One myth attributes to him the desire to bring the world, gods and men to black nothingness; his own future. He could never be trusted; he mocked mankind, binding them with evil. One of his festival days is in May, when a youth representing him, would be sacrificed. He also had a feast day. There are many stories and myths associated with this character. It is remarkable how consumed the Aztecs were with this being. (Phillips pp. 180-183)
Quetzalcoatl’s name has two meanings. In itself, it comprises two Nahuatl words, each of which also has two meanings. Quetzal can mean ‘green feather’ or ‘Precious’ and ‘coatl’ can mean ‘serpent. The elements of the name taken together can therefore mean ‘plumed Serpent’, the main meaning of the name. One of the best representations of the Plumed Serpent is in the great city of Teotihuacan where the sculptures of the “Mesoamerican dragon whose supernatural figure combines a rattlesnake’s body, a quetzal bird’s green feathers covering the scales, and a stylized head with ophidian roots-is one of the most prevalent symbolic expressions in early Teotihuacan. The Plumed Serpent is associated with both fertility and beginning and ordering of time.” (Florescano p. 7) However, it can get very complex, especially when one tries to unravel the Sacred Calendar of Quetzalcoatl with its 20 symbolic glyphs, 13 sacred numbers, the gear or wheel of 73 notches, the mystery of the echo circle, all combined to make the Aztec Calendar in its magnificent intricacies containing the 52 revolutions, the 365 day wheel, the 52 solar years and 73 sacred Calendar years. No one knows how this intricate object ended up in a lake to be found later by a workman. (Shearer pp. 5, 24-25, 35, 60)
The lament of the Aztecs reflects the eternal query of all men: “One does not live forever on this earth; We endure only for an instant!...where are we going, ay, where are we going? Will we be dead there or will we live yet? Does one exist again? Perhaps we will live a second time?...Just once do we live!” (Coe p. 175)
FERNANDO DE ALVA DE IXTLILXOCHITL-KEEPER OF THE RECORDS
IXTLILXOCHITL was born in 1568, he was a student at the College of Santa Cruz in Tlateloco [Mexico]…he was an interpreter in the court of justice of the Indians…he died in 1648…his first work was written about 1600…the second about 1608…Hubert Howe Bancroft comments: “Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl was a grandson of the last king of Texcuco, from whom he inherited all that were saved of the records in the public archives…his works are more extensive than …any other native writer…he wrote honestly, compiling from authentic documents in his possession.” (Hunter p. 13) George C. Vaillant said: “He was a descendant of the old Texcocan linage and had access to many of the ancient records.” (Hunter p. 13) An 1891 Spanish edition was made of his writings. (Hunter p. 12) Arnulfo Rodriguez translated that edition [The Works of Ixtlilxochitl] into English in 1939 at the University of California. (Hunter p. 12) This is the source Hunter used in his extraordinary study from which we quote because his works were “Concerning all the things that have happened in New Spain, and many things that the Tultecas, [the Ancient Ones] understood and knew from the Creation of the World to its destruction.” (Hunter p. 18) The Tultecas, were the first colonizers who “Migrated to the New World from ‘the very high tower’ at the time of the confusion of tongues.” These first peoples were very large men. (Hunter p. 19) However, we will only make a few selections. One of our objectives is to develop an awareness of ancient sources.
“Concerning the creation of the world and the origin of the Indians, only God is the one who knows all things…and how Tloque Nahuaque created it... and the other things that are on it.” (Hunter p. 21) “Throughout the book…there are innumerable parallels [to the Book of Mormon], equally as close, on matters entirely unknown to the Spanish conquerors.” (Hunter p. 23) Even more succinct than the parallels in the works of Ixtlilxochitl are those in another book Probanza de Votan, which refers to the “Theology of the Serpents, represented in ingenious hieroglyphs, symbols, emblems and metaphors, Universal Deluge, Dispersion of Mankind.” Compiled by ORDONEZ Y AGUIAR, who feared his writings would be suppressed in 1700 AD. They were, and at this time the Vatican refuses to permit its translation and dissemination. (Hunter p. 28)
SAHAGUN recorded that the original ancient people came “in seven ships or galleys in which the first settlers of this land came.” The ships were likened unto caves, so enclosed were they and required the Brother of Jared to get the Lord to touch sixteen stones to light the dark insides of the boats. (Hunter p. 30) The Book of Ether says that the Jaredites came in eight vessels. The account of the ships that were built indicates they were totally enclosed, so could be compared to ‘caves’. (Ether 2:l-24; 3:1; 6:2) The chroniclers indicate that the “Ancient Ones” and another group both arrived in the Panuco area of the Gulf Coast of Mexico. It was the Mulekites who found the remnant of the Jaredites, so both had to have made a similar traverse of the Atlantic Ocean and landed not too distant from each other. (Hunter p. 33) The Nephites traversed the Pacific from Bountiful on the Saudian Peninsula to the shores of western Guatemala. (Hunter p. 36) Ixtlilxochitl calls the “Ancient Ones’ or settlers who came from the great tower, “Quinametzin”. This name refers to the earliest Tultecas or civilized colonizers of Middle America. (Hunter p. 44) The name Tulteca means ‘artisan, or wise men’ “Ixtlilxochitl places the destruction of the “Ancient Ones”, the “(Quinametzin)”, [the Jaredites or Olmecs] at 299 BC. He later states that this destruction took place 270 years prior to the eclipse of the sun and the moon, which eclipse he clearly fixed ‘at the time Christ suffered’. Thus, it took place some time between 299 BC and 236 BC.” (Hunter p. 53) This is a significant parallel to the Book of Mormon Chronology.
About 122 BC a party of Nephite explorers found the battleground where the final destruction of the Ancient Ones had occurred, still covered with bones of men, and of beasts, also covered with ruins of buildings of every kind, a land which was covered with dry bones and weapons and armor and breastplates of brass and copper. The swords that were found were cankered with rust. (Mosiah 8:8; 10:ll; 21:26; Hunter p. 53) The battle appeared to have occurred some time before the discovery, perhaps between 300 BC and 222 BC, agreeable to the dates of Ixtlilxochitl 299-236 BC. The reference to the rusting swords is important it indicates iron was used in their construction, and in the climate of the area, the iron implements perished by rusting. More than two thousand years later are archaeologist checking the ground they excavate for the chemical residues of rust? Or have they just concluded out of hand the peoples of the Book of Mormon did not have iron or steel?
THE GATHERING AND THE THREE WHITE BROTHERS
Archaeologist Charles A. Amsden who spent years in the Basketmaker ruins of the Plateau wrote: “Prehistoric Southwesterners from Basketmaker to Pueblo, it is one of the finest and most accessible works about the Basketmakers.” (Cordell 1994, p. 40) About the time of Christ, Basketmaker Pioneers were spreading throughout the region from both ends of the Empty Lands. (See MAP 6 & 10) Without the accurate dating of the Basketmaker 1-111, and Pueblo 1-111 cultures, this study on those who bury their weapons would have been impossible. Instead of “centuries of tedious grouping for better homes, rooted in the individual semi-subterranean house, could now be shown to have developed quickly in the span of a few centuries.” (Nash 260) This was for these six cultures, spanning the time from about Christ to when the gathering of clans began before 1260 AD, certainly before 1300 BC., which was the end of the Pueblo 111 Period. The tree-ring analyses also identified a “Great Draught” from A.D. 1276-1299, which could have, along with religion, been a factor in the gathering of the HOPI and related clans. (Nash 262) By moving when they did, the gathering clans avoided severe conditions the draught brought which affected the Tsegi-Canyon and Kayenta areas greatly. However, religion was the main reason for the in-gathering, because the HOPI were leaving the Tsegi-Kayanta area before the drought struck. The HOPI ruins of Old Oraibi have timbers that were cut 1200-1260 AD. (Cordell p. 88) The latter would be 16 years before the drought set in. They said they moved because the THREE WHITE BROTHERS told them to, and important for this present study, tree-ring results obtained from ancient HOPI villages were those from one of the oldest ruins of the HOPI villages, Awatovi, which seems to have been built before 890 AD, with the Pueblo 111 (1150-1300) component being built between 1255 to 1260 AD; again, 16 years before the start of the Great Draught, But at the time the Three White Brothers had told the HOPI to move, most of the HOPI were then residing in Tsegi Canyon-Kayenta regions, they responded by moving to the mesas which included Awatovi, (Nash 211) and ORABI. It would seem that some of the Peaceful People had already taken up quarters on the Seven Mesas, which stretched over a distance of more than seventy miles so there was room for them, others were to join them from the Tsegi-Kayenta region, and then especially from the Virgin River-Kaibab region. Others also joined the Center Place as the HOPI Nation expanded, from other areas, including one village built by those who specifically came from Mesa Verde, showing the kinship of that region with those of the HOPI. Most of the Mesa Verde had moved into the Gallestio Basin, some twenty miles or so south of Santa Fe. (Cordell p. 23) Others, such as the Utes and Fremont were also ancestral HOPI. Some of those very large ruins are now being excavated, one by the Nature Conservancy Organization.
THE COMMENTS OF LEIGH JENKINS A HOPI
Leigh Jenkins, Cultural Preservation Officer of the HOPI, had this to say: “The Anasazi, as well as other Puebloan cultures-like the Fremont farther north, and the Sinagua near Flagstaff-are in fact ancestral HOPI people. And not much credence is ever lent, I believe, to some of the ways that Indian people have preserved their history…an influx of the Ute People from farther north…we carried some of the knowledge of the Ute people. And to this day the people of my clan, the Greasewood Clan, are noted for that affiliation with the Ute people…oral history is very special to me. In my forty years of growing up on the HOPI, we go through a process of, I suppose, earning our doctorate. And that through the process of initiations into different ceremonies and societies, where you begin to get more privileged information shared by some of the elders. We begin to learn symbols. We begin to learn the meaning of color, different types of color, direction color, what color signifies to HOPI [they preserved their ancient commitments by blunting the end and painting red on the arrow of a growing boy, to remind him that he should never shed another’s blood]. And suddenly you begin to understand what HOPI history is all about....I would prefer you to know the HOPI word Hisatsinom, [not] the Navajo word Anasazi… [Hisatsinom is] the name of these people who traveled many, many parts of the Southwest…Hisatsinom literally means ‘people of long ago.’ But to the HOPI…they are the ancestors of the HOPI. Today we carry on some of the very traditions and ceremonies that our clan and our ancestors carried on during their migrations…[and] why there was a need to proclaim on behalf of the great spirit the stewardship over these lands…some of the [pottery] shards that are scattered throughout the Southwest, were only testimony to the presence of the HOPI ancestral people. They are monuments and hallmarks that attest…that the HOPI people, through their clans, like my clan, stayed around these lands for periods of time. ..the Anasazi didn’t go anywhere. We’re still around.” (Jenkins p.31-33) There was no abandonment of earlier HOPI people areas, but a gathering, and in-gathering to the Central Place where they now wait. Wait for what? For word from their THREE WHITE BROTHERS? This was discussed in PART 1
“The end of the Great Pueblo period A.D. 1300 is marked by the final, complete abandonment of most of the traditional older Anasazi and Mogollon territories, the entire Four Corners region, the Mimbres Valley, Forestdale and Pine Lawn areas. This continues to be one of the greatest mysteries in our knowledge of the prehistoric Southwest, but one aspect of the abandonment is not an enigma. There is no question that the descendants of those who abandoned the former Great Pueblo settlement live today among the modern Pueblo Villages of Arizona and New Mexico.” (Cordell p. 117) Cordell was present at the 1991 meeting of archaeologist and Indian representatives. She wrote the above three years later. It is evident she did not listen to what Jenkins had to say. Mormons listen, and we tremble at the reality given to ancient knowledge contained in the Book of Mormon. But there is much more, a lot more, still out there to learn.
A NOTE ON THE NAVAJO
The Navajo are not part of the Anasazi, nor did they share their presence for the first 1000 years the Anasazi were occupying the empty land. The Navajo entered the southwestern scenery about 950-990 AD. Two Anasazi ruins, Galena and Rosa, in eastern Colorado were sacked and destroyed by the Navajo. They left behind forensic evidence of their presence, in addition to arrow heads imbedded in bone of those killed, they left behind pine pitch baskets peculiar to the Navajo, and pine pitch covered ceramics when fired made a peculiar brown vessel. In my lectures, I have a pine pitch basket of the kind they left behind made for me by a Navajo, to illustrate my presentation. Of importance for the origins of the Navajo, seldom considered by archaeologists, is the work by Giddings in Arctic anthropology and tree-ring dating, which he on a well established basis, “produced the first long-term, accurately dated terrestrial paleo-temperature record, presented the first good archaeological evidence for interaction between coastal Eskimo and inland ATHABASKAN populations; and excavating several culturally and chronologically important sites.” (Nash p. 256) Those interested in at least one of the boats that were built under the aegis of Hagoth might well look into the traditions of the Dogribs (Athabascans), the Haida and Tlingit, Navajo and Apache, as they are linguistically related. (Powell pp. viii, 220) Counterparts may be found in Central America certainly they do not have any linkage with any Siberians, Eskimo or Aleut groups. Sometime in the future, time permitting some effort will be spent to explore these connections. President Kimball’s remarks regarding some of the boats and the inhabitants of America suggests some serious work ought to be done in this area. Just where did the boats go, where did they land, who are the people today?
The traditions of the Navajo are extremely complex. Their healing ceremonies are most elaborate, but effective. They have more than 800 forms of sand painting. In the main healing chant, the Breathing Way, the patient can select the short form of five days, or the longer forms of seven or nine days. Sand paintings of varied artistry are employed throughout the ceremony. (Tayor p. 60)I have lectured on this ceremony with Navajos attending, and afterwards they compared their experience with my accounts. By 1864 8,000 Navajo surrendered to Kit Carson which began the Long Walk to Bosque Redondo at Fort Summer, one of the bleakest events in Navajo history. People were shot if they complained of being tired or sick, it was an episode of hardship and terror. There were no wagons, they walked over 300 miles. Women in labor were killed. It was a time of despair and deprivation, no shelters, no blankets, inadequate food, and rampant disease. It was a failure. Half of them died within the five years they were there. The compassionate General Sherman arranged for their release and return to their beloved Canyons. It was a pivotal even in the history and consciousness of The People. I had spent time in the Canyons with the Navajo, when I returned with my youngest son, the young Navajo I hired for a guide through quicksand to drive the canyons still retained a deep animosity and bitter rancor passed down for three generations.
THE POPOL VUH
The Aztec place of origin was the mythic Aztlan, an island set in a lake, where the people assembled before setting out on their extraordinary rag-to-riches journey. Legends tell how a heterogeneous group of a least seven Mexica clans traveled together. At the end of their migrations they had entered the basin of Mexico sometime after 980 AD. Soon after the Totltec civilization rose to its height, but then the entire empire collapsed in AD 1150, then the Aztec or Mexica filled the political vacuum.
The POPOL VUH “is the sacred book of the ancient Quiche-Maya of the highlands of Guatemala. It was first transcribed in the Maya language, but in our letters, about 1550 A.D., by a highly literate Mayan. The manuscript of the latter was found in the Chichicastenango in Guatemala by Father Francisco Ximenz at the close of the seventeenth century. It was published for the first time in Spanish in Vienna in 1857. A French edition was published in Paris in 1861. The first complete English version appeared in 1950. The latter work, done by Delia Goetz and the late Mayan expert, Sylvanus G. Morley is the one [most] quoted from.” (Hunter p. 56) Two other translations are used for comparison, and are mentioned when used in PART 5
“The POPOL VUH [“The Book of the Community”], as it is called, cannot be seen any more, in which was clearly seen the coming from the other side of the sea…written long ago, existed, but its sight is hidden to the searcher and to the thinker…three groups of families existed...they did not know why they had come so far as they did…they remembered the word of the Creator and the Maker, the Heart of Heaven…they came, they pulled up stakes there, and left the east…let us go and see where we should settle…and they wept in their chants because of their departure from Tulan: [Bountiful]their hearts mourned when they left Tulan.” (Hunter pp. 64-65) “When they left there, from Pa Tulan…the Grandfather Nacxit [God] gave them a gift called GIRON-GAGAL [director or LIAHONA?].” (Hunter p.65) “And they wept in their chants because of their departure from Tulan: Their hearts mourned when they left Tulan…Pity us…they said at leaving…why did we leave it?” (Hunter p. 69-73; Mosiah 10:11-14) “They left there, from that great distance, according to what their songs now say.” (Hunter p. 66) “There, too, they began their song, which they call camucu…they sang it…their innermost selves they expressed in their song…we were lost, we were separated, and there our older and younger brothers stayed…we became separated in Tulan…from there we went out together.” (Hunter p. 73-74) In their chants and ceremonial songs, the Indians retained their traditions and passed them on by annual repetition. So it was anciently and so it is today. Their leaders had a premonition of death: “And as they had a presentiment of their death, they counseled their children.” (Hunter p. 85; 2 Nephi l:2, 9-11) The “Creation is not the work of a solitary being, but a great effort brought about my many beings who plan, discuss and act together.” (Freidel p. 69) One of the creators becomes the First Father or Forefather. The texts mentions the birth of the First Father and the Birth of the First Mother. (Abraham l:3; Moses 3:22) There is more.
“This was when there was just a trace of early dawn on the face of the ereth, there was no sun. But there was one who magnified himself; Vacub Caquix in his name…”I am great. My place is now higher than that of the human work, the human design. I am their sun and I am their light…because my eyes were metal. My teeth glitter like jewels and turquoise; they stand out blue with stones like the face of the sky,” said Vacub Caquix” ((Pohl p. 31) This also from the Popol Vuh as Pohl relates it to observations made at the 1500 B.C. to A.D. 250 site of Izapa. (Pohl p. 31) That sites spans the time from the early Jaredite times down to nearly the end of the Zion people of 4 Nephi. It is a hint of a proud being declaring his dominance of the earth and overlording humans.
Ixtlilxochitl records a very curious thing. “It was 305 years since the sun and moon had eclipsed, and 438 years since the destruction of the Quinemetzin…when Chalcatzin and Tlacamhtzin, very great gentlemen descendants of the royal house of the Tultecas, began to usurp the kingdom, want to take it away from the legitimate successors, AFTER HAVING HAD MANY YEARS OF QUIET PEACE, which disruption of the peace happened in the year 13 Acatl…they had some wars, until they drove them out.” (Hunter pp. 123-124) Compare this short statement from Ixtlilxochitl with the lengthy account of Zion, peace, prosperity, righteousness and happiness found in 4 Nephi l:l-27; 45-48; and the decline to destruction given in Mormon 1:6. The peace spoken of in the ancient record lasted to about 339 AD. In the Book of Mormon, the first signs of war flared up about 300 AD, and by 322 AD war was in full progress. Ixtlilxochitl’s date for all out war seventeen years later is right on the mark. The causes for this decline into war were the same in both accounts: usurpation and selfishness!
Among the Quiches of the highlands of Guatemala, one of the royal lines is the Xalila family from which come ancient traditions. In the Maya Annals of Xahila it states: “We were brought forth, coming we were begotten by our mothers and our fathers…they say that the seven tribes arrived first at Tullan.” (Hunter p. 87) In the Book of Mormon, they divided into seven tribes. (Jacob l:9-14) Most readers miss this. The ancient Totonicapan record also refers to the division into Seven Tribes. Tullan, Tulan, Tollan, Pa Tullon, or any other of the variants for this word which means ‘bountiful’ appears in a great deal of the literature of Central America. “The ancient Mexicans regarded their society as a cosmo-magical construct. It strives to do this by focusing on the meaning of Quetzalcoatl’s relationship to the great Toltec capital of Tollan, which appears in the primary sources as BOTH A HISTORICAL CAPITAL AND A FABULOUIS SYMBOL OF AN [ANCIENT] MYTHICAL CITY.” (Carrasco p. 1) We would call it the City Bountiful, where the Nephites first landed on the east coasts of Guatemala. These were the Second settlers in the Land. (l Ne l::hd; 17:5,6.7; Alma 22:29)
Another important chronicler, Friar Juan de Torquemada, in his Los Veinte i un libros rituals y Monarchia Indiana, often quoting from The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, records other interesting parallels. (Castillo p. xix) One concerns the end of the earth. Speaking of the ancients Torquemada records…“And they also say that they had knowledge of how the world is to end again, by consummation by fire…the ancients…put many things in two columns [forms] one of metal and another of brick or stones.” (Hunter pp. 94-95; l Nephi 19:l) By doing this one or another of the records would survive. It is important to note that both the writings of Sahagun and Torquemada refer to three groups that settled the Americas. The Third group [perhaps referring to the Mulekites] landed on the Gulf Coast of Mexico near the mouth of the Panuco River, the same area at which the First Settlers [Jaredites] also landed. (Hunter p. 121) The First settlers according to Torquemada were “much regaled there because they were a very wise people, and skilled in ship building…industries, and in working gold and silver, they were very great artisans.” (Hunter p. 131) Unless both chroniclers had access to true records of the ancients, how would they know these details independent of each other? Have archaeologists gone to the Panuco River region to evaluate the implications here? It would be exciting to find gold and silver artifacts of both the Jaredites and the Mulekites in the same place. There is precision in the Book of Mormon as to where they landed. Richard MacNeish of the University of Michigan, an archaeologist has initiated work there. His results will be interesting. Positive results would verify the Book of Mormon and the records of these two great chroniclers. The ancient records suggest a specific geographic place, certainly a place to start from. But, this will require more research and field work. The record of Ixtilxochitl, is one of the most extensive of all the ancient chronicles. Hunter treats it in great detail.
The Spanish conquistadores wanted the Indians as a source of labor, and potential converts. French traders and trappers used the Indians as a means to obtain pelts. Spanish civilization crushed the Indians; English civilization scorned and neglected him; French civilization embraced and cherished him. (Franklin p. 7) The Mormon’s converted and educated them, treating them as equals. Just look at and count the temples among the Western Hemisphere’s indigenous peoples.
WHAT THE CONQUISTEDORS FOUND WHEN THEY ARRIVED
“All religions depend for popular support on ritual and liturgical practices which crystallize and mythologize the essential elements of faith. In Christianity [and Mormonism] the essential elements are : purification of the body (baptism), purification of the soul (confession and absolution), propitiation of the deity (prayer), sacrifices by proxy (the Lord’s Supper), the identification of the worshipper with God by his own sacrifice (the offering of goods or services), and the reward-life after death (the Resurrection). ALL OF THESE LITERGICAL PRACTICES WERE FOUND by the sixteenth-century Spanish friars in the New World [when they arrived]. ALL were associated with the name of the American cultural-hero QUETZALCOATL or his SUCCESSORS IN THE HIGH PRIESTHOOD. (Miller p. 162) He was the MAN FROM IZAMAL…AND TULA. He was white and bearded, He came form the east, from across the ocean, He was a fugitive from his own land, He came a very long time ago, He taught a gentle faith and was opposed to human or animal sacrifice. (Miller pp. 161-162) The Book of Mormon testifies of him on every page of that book. We can then expect to find many and significant parallels in the ancient documents and preserved traditions of these people, no matter how scattered they became.
In 1991, after a team visit to Iximche, the ruins of Kaqchikel, the capital destroyed by the Spanish soon after they arrived, and with the breaking of the Mayan glyph system of writing came a “stunning and magnificent understanding of the cosmos. For the ancient Maya, [and nearly all indigenous communities of the Western Hemisphere] Creation was at the heart of everything they represented in their art and architecture and [ceremonial traditions]. When we took a second look at their temples, ballcourts, statuary, murals and ceramic art in the light of our new understanding, we were overwhelmed by how these objects mirrored the Maya’s unique vision of reality.” ( Freidel p. 5) With it came an understanding of “First Mother…her husband…the being who oversaw the new Creation of the Cosmos.” (Freidel p. 6) Only the Mormons are getting any mileage out of these new disclosures. Even greater discoveries and verifications, however, are yet to come.
PART 5 will continue these studies.
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